How to View Tollywood Actor Pawan Kalyan’s Re-emergence During 2014 Election?

Tollywood’s lead actor Pawan Kalyan who had formal political entry through the Praja Rajyam Party (PRP), launched by his brother Chiranjeevi in the year 2008 had to reincarnate his political innings during 2014 general election to the Andhra Pradesh (AP) Legislative Assembly and Indian Parliament’s Lok Sabha constituencies. Chiranjeevi, as President of the PRP, had successfully merged PRP with the Indian National Congress (INC) in 2011. PRP’s merger with INC had put an end to expected positive political outcomes by certain quarters in AP politics through Chiranjeevi and Kapu community.


Due to a sporadic change in the political atmosphere of AP, on account of the sudden and tragic death of Chief Minister Dr Y S Rajashekara Reddy (YSR) and other associated factors, INC was pushed into a massive political crisis. As a result, INC’s political base and support to its government at AP level started to diminish.

After the death of YSR, INC at AP level faced challenges from YSR’s son Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy and Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS) Chief K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR).

A significant section of AP INC Members of Legislative Assembly (MLA’s) started to favour the leadership of Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy, after the death of YSR. An eloquent section of AP MLA’s favouritism towards Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy’s direction pushed the INC into a minority position, politically. But, somehow, the INC at AP level managed to lead the government for almost five years without losing ground on the AP Legislative Assembly.

During this same phase, the INC was also not in a position to seek and depend on the support of the TRS on the floor of the AP Legislative Assembly for a majority. Even INC started to face a stiff political demand from the TRS championed public movement in favour of the creation of a separate Telangana state. Thus, the INC, at AP level, during this phase, was in an unusual dilemma on how to save its government’s strength on the floor of the AP Legislative Assembly and political base at ground level? Both, Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy and TRS under KCR have become a stumbling block for its political prospects.


As a result, the INC concretely made efforts to have support and subsequent merger of PRP into its fold. But then, at a certain point in time, even PRP’s merger with INC failed to rescue INC concretely on the floor of AP Legislative Assembly. The opposition Telugu Desam Party’s (TDP) ‘favourable role’ during ‘No Confidence Motion’ against the INC government rescued it. Thus, at a particular point in time, both the ruling and opposition parties (i.e., INC & TDP, respectively) have realised the potential looming danger in the form of Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy (by this period he launched a separate political party and named it as YSRCP) and TRS Chief KCR.

One of the primes edged factor, which contributed the INC to control massive losing political ground, for a limited duration, at AP level emanated through INC’s political power at New Delhi range. INC was also successfully running Indian Union’s (coalition UPA) government under the Prime Ministership of Dr Manmohan Singh during this period. And INC was headed by Sonia Gandhi as National President. Sonia Gandhi as National President of the INC was the prime leader who dealt with unfavourable political conditions at the AP level during this period of crisis, albeit through the undisclosed support of the Indian Union government under the Prime Ministership of Dr Manmohan Singh, at times!!

With the merger of PRP into the INC; INC not only had anticipation to save its INC government at AP level for the 2009-2014 duration but also had the intention of increasing its support base at ground level. The INC expected that PRP’s scored 18% vote share during 2009 elections may shift into its fold. [But, such expectations of INC got proven entirely wrong after witnessing the final results of the 2014 elections.]

Finally, the INC put forward a few efforts to save its government and political base at AP level, after the death of YSR. In this whole process, INC initiated a few steps, like;

01. Made high intensified corruption allegations against the YSRCP leader Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy and started to prosecute him legally, through various national investigative agencies like CBI, etc. In this whole process, INC government(s) (at both AP and federal level, in a collusion mode) imprisoned Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy for a significant sustained duration.
02. Initiated process for formation of a separate Telangana State, by conceding to the high intensified political movement led by the TRS Chief KCR, which witnessed an unprecedented support from a large quantum of Telangana masses.


By imprisoning Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy, the INC and TDP expected to regain, retain and sustain their political bases. Thus, the INC and TDP, which were formally Treasury batch (government) and Opposition in the AP Legislative Assembly have entered into an undisclosed hand-in-glove agreement to keep at bay Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSRCP unprecedented emergence on the AP political landscape, especially in the Coastal and Rayalaseema regions. Towards this end process, YSRCP’s prime leader Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy got imprisoned for about 13 months duration or so.

At a certain level of a point, even after the PRP’s merger into the INC; it became difficult to capture the base of voters at Coastal and Rayalaseema regions. In these areas, in various by-elections, the YSRCP performed exceptionally well by winnings different AP Legislative Assembly constituency seats. And, in these elections, the INC and TDP have lost their deposits also.

And, in the Telangana region, in the by-elections to various AP Legislative Assembly constituency seats, TRS won with a tumping majority by trespassing other political forces like the INC and TDP.

Thus, in all the three unique regions of AP, i.e., Coastal, Rayalaseema and Telangana, the INC and TDP have started to witness single anti-incumbency factor as ruling and opposition sections.

In this background, the INC and TDP had recognised and extended support to a separate Telangana state formation to save their electoral prospectus, at least partially. The INC took concrete steps in this respect and initiated the process for an independent Telangana state formation at Parliament of India level. But, TDP, though extended support to a separate Telangana state formation had played a dual role at a certain level. The TDP chief Nara Chandrababu Naidu talked in double tongue and tones in support and against the separate creation of an independent Telangana state.

Ultimately, by deciding and initiating the process towards bifurcation of AP; as AP and Telangana at Parliament of India level, the INC and TDP had expected to benefit politically, in their ways and forms. Mainly, in this direction, the INC lost hopes on the Coastal and Rayalaseema regions. Its base, in these two areas, was regained by YSRCP under Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy’s leadership at a certain level; and at a certain, another level, the initiated process towards the formation of a separate Telangana state routed its presence.

As a result of losing hopes on the Coastal and Rayalaseema regions, the INC by forming a separate Telangana state had expected to regain political power at Telangana state level after 2014 election. Towards this direction, it was also believed and rumoured that after the formation of a separate Telangana state, the TRS would merge into the INC; as a result, after 2014 election the INC would easily win the election!!

While this was the anticipated strategical plan of the INC, the TDP which was in opposition under Nara Chandrababu Naidu’s leadership had a tough time to regain and sustain base at both the Telangana and AP level; after AP’s bifurcation by the Parliament of India.

Against this background 2014 elections approached, again to the AP Legislative Assembly and the Parliament of India’s Lok Sabha constituencies. There was a complete change in the AP political atmosphere by 2014 (on a comparative basis from 2009 election). Though technically this election was held as an election to the AP Legislative Assembly; after the final election result’s declaration, two governments were scheduled to form as per the AP Reorganisation Act, 2014 as passed by the Parliament of India. As a result, electoral political atmosphere continued as per the expected two governments formations, accordingly.


No one expected any role of film stars during this 2014 election, especially in the Coastal Andhra Pradesh. During 2009 elections Coastal AP witnessed an unprecedented participation of film personalities political campaign. On the sidelines of 2009 elections at AP level, Kamma and Kapu Tollywood stars campaigned on a massive scale, on behalf of the TDP and PRP respectively. No one anticipated such large-scale participation of film stars again during this election.

But then, TDP wished to have movie stars electoral campaign, especially like those of; Nandamuri Balakrishna and Junior Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao (Jr NTR). Though the former took part enthusiastically, the later failed to take the lead this time. This position of Jr NTR also made a few quarters of TDP to express venom against him, especially from the top TDP’s leadership.

The TDP leadership, which primarily depended on the Kamma film stars political campaign during 2009 elections; this time, due to the changed political atmosphere, remodified its electoral strategy and stretched its arms to welcome Kapu community’s film star Pawan Kalyan!! Thus, all this indicates, that the two caste’s, i.e., Kamma and Kapu, which have animosity for years together in the social and political realms have come along. The socio-political enmity of the Kamma and Kapu communities even got manifested in various domains of everyday’s life activity, like, in the political sector too; that’s one of the prime reasons behind 2009 electoral analysis.

The changed political atmosphere due to the unprecedented emergence of the YSRCP, TRS and bifurcation of AP into AP and Telangana states, respectively had made the TDP reconsider and remodify its electoral strategies. Accordingly, the TDP leadership attempted to co-opt Kapu community for electoral gain; in this direction, it saw Tollywood actor Pawan Kalyan as a potential leveraging source.

Political critics saw TDP’s extension of open arms to Pawan Kalyan as an astute political strategy; because TDP during 2014 elections cannot extend such an invitation to the PRP’s founder President and Tollywood star actor Chiranjeevi. Chiranjeevi and Pawan Kalyan should be seen not just as the film starts; but as holders of a significant base among the Kapu community. Chiranjeevi during 2014 elections was technically part and parcel of the INC and was also the sitting Union Council of Minister under the Prime Ministership of Dr Manmohan Singh. All this indicated that Chiranjeevi got benefitted a lot after the launch of PRP and even after the merger of PRP with the INC, in many forms. But, a significant proportion of those who had trusted and considered PRP’s positive prospects under Chiranjeevi’s leadership got disappointed.


At an individual level of analysis, even Pawan Kalyan, who sailed with his brother Chiranjeevi also got disappointed; because, due to the merger of PRP with the INC, only Chiranjeevi got benefitted politically and more.

The move of TDP in attempting to extend a hand and invite Pawan Kalyan, who visibly failed to get benefited from the merger of PRP with INC; is, as per the views of political critics an astute move from TDP chief Nara Chandrababu Naidu and others. This step of TDP was seen and read as attempting to co-opt a section or favourite person from the former political opponent sect, i.e., PRP and Kapu. But, what kind of political calculations pushed TDP to weigh this option of an attempt to co-opt Pawan Kalyan during 2014 elections, should also be known!!

As per political calculations, during 2014 elections, the TDP anticipated that the Kapu community’s vote bank would play a crucial role in deciding the attractive prospects of lead contesting political parties, i.e., TDP and YSRCP, in the Coastal and Rayalaseema regions of AP, after bifurcation of AP into AP and Telangana. As a result, it ensured to co-opt and play the political game through former PRP leader, famous film actor and Kapu community’s renowned personality Pawan Kalyan!!


All this indicates that popular forms of political assertions like those based on ‘caste and class’ notions have undergone a significant sea-change immediately after the 2009 general elections and that too in particular after the sudden and tragic demise of YSR. The common modes of political games and prospects existed till then have invariably reincarnated their aspirations through various forms, during a polarised political crisis.

And, Pawan Kalyan also reidentified and redefined, to some extent, his political position in this entire turbulent political phase. In a certain other sense, Pawan Kalyan’s possible playable political prospects were suggested by ‘the Other’, i.e., TDP, and he obliged with gladness to choose, incline and perform such role!!

Thus, at last, Pawan Kalyan ventured into the 2014 electoral fray on behalf of the TDP-BJP electoral alliance as a support lead campaigner.


Telangana Vidhyarthi Vedia (TVV) Stand During 2015 Students’ Union Election

The Telangna Vidhyarthi Vedia (TVV), University of Hyderabad unit has cleared its political stand by extending its support to the SFI-DSU-TSF led coalition as part of the 2015 University Students’ Union Election. In this respect, the following poster in both English and Telugu versions were released by TVV.

TVV UoH, 2015
TVV UoH, 2015
TVV against Hindutva Forces for 2015 UoH SU
TVV against Hindutva Forces for 2015 UoH SU

As per the above poster it was observed by TVV that in-order to combat the increasing Hindutva presence and its threat in the educational institutions across the country specifically and in the society in general – it is extending support to the Left-Dalit-Tribal alliance as part of the University of Hyderabad’s scheduled Students’ Union election.

University of Hyderabad 2015 Students’ Union Elections Campaign

The University of Hyderabad (UoH) Students’ Union Elections for the academic year 2015-2016 consists of the following prominent panels from ABVP, SFI-TSF-DSU-TVV, and UDA Panel consisting of ASA-NSUI-OBCA.

The detailed particulars of these panels are as follows:

ABVP 2015 SU Election
ABVP 2015 SU Election

SFI-TSF-DSU-TVV is a new alliance. SFI (stands as Students’ Federation of India), TSF (Tribal Students’ Forum), Dalit Students’ Union (DSU) & TVV (Telangana Vidarthi Vedika).

It was expected to some extent that the SFI-ASA alliance may work out. But, SFI seemed to have abandoned such an idea and seems to conceived this alliance. For DSU getting place in alliance after a long haul is a re-beginning. And, it is a very surprise step to see a place to the TVV in this alliance. Perhaps this could be the first to TVV to have a place in an alliance or in elections on the Campus.

UDA Panel for UoH 2015 SU Election
UDA Panel for UoH 2015 SU Election

Amebdkar Students’ Association (ASA) seems to the prime backbone to this alliance. Surprisingly, though this panel claimed BSF too as part of this alliance – BSF denied such campaign. Please see the below poster released by BSF against UDA panel. For the first time OBCA (Other Backward Classes Association) seems to have extended unanimous support to this panel. OBCA came into existence during last academic year on the Campus.

BSF on 2015 SU Elections
BSF on 2015 SU Elections

DSU Organised a Conference on ‘Student Organizations and Conflicting Ideologies’

The Dalit Students’ Union (DSU), University of Hyderabad organised a Conference on the ‘Student Organisations and Conflicting Ideologies’, as part of its fifteenth anniversary celebrations during the academic year 2011-2012 on February 24, 2012 at School of Humanities Auditorium, University of Hyderabad. Mr L M Lyngdoh, Former Chief Election Commissioner of India was the Chief Guest. The Session was Chaired by Mr Sareen Chatla, Assistant Professor, Department of Film Studies, English and Foreign Languages University (EFLU), Hyderabad. Various student organisation leaders took formal participation and presented their organisation’s version of ‘Ideology’.

This was a grand success event during this academic year.

Please see the below poster for full details of the event.

Poster for DSU Conference on Student Organisations

Andhra Pradesh Re-organisation Act, 2014

The Andhra Pradesh Re-Organisation Act, 2014 as passed by the Parliament of India is as follows:

AP Reorgnisation Act

This act made possible the wishes of the people of Telangana for their long cherished demand for a separate State. But, at the same time this act is also made against to the wishes of Coastal and Rayalaseema region peoples.

Even after formation of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh based on this Act still certain issues are propping up for readdress in various modes. Thus, the significance of the Act is propping up in various modes in the political circles of both the states.

Rift Between MSF and BSF at University of Hyderabad

Please read the following Poster carefully, before proceeding to read my followed analysis.

MSF against Daniel of BSF
MSF against Daniel of BSF


MSF against BSF Daniel
MSF against BSF Daniel

This two page poster attracted me by raising some pertinent questions in myself. Primarily, this poster made me critical of both the Madiga and Bahujan politics. i.e. MSF and BSF on the University Campus.

First, let us look at the Madiga politics. During the early part of the 1990’s dalit political discourse emerged on the University Campus and took various directions either independently or as a response towards to the outside political or dalit movement.  Madiga students were part of various political streams at various points of time, primarily associated with the Progressive Students’ Front (PSF) and later with Dr B R Ambedkar Students’ Association (ASA). While the former was an ideologically left oriented organization, the later was a dalit based organization, which predominantly has had membership emanating from the Mala community of Andhra Pradesh (which can now be recognized as Andhra Pradesh and Telangana due to bifurcation in 2014). The Madigas of the University Campus felt uncomfortable to associate with the Mala community dominated ASA and raised their own platform and named it as Dalit Students’ Union (DSU), asserting that they are the true dalits, as they are most discriminated, oppressed and backward among the dalits. Hence, they wished to provide a platform at this Central University to such ‘true dalits’.

Secondly, coming to the emergence of ‘Bahujan politics’ on the University Campus.

Since the academic year 2007-2008 systematic attempts were put forwarded, primarily by two M. Phil., Political Science students who belonged to Madiga and Mala communities of Andhra Pradesh respectively[1], in order to bridge the gap in dalit-Bahujan student politics left over by ASA and DSU by launching a platform Bahujan Students’ Front (BSF). BSF aimed at providing a national platform for ‘SC/ST/OBC/Religious Minorities’. In their view existing ASA and DSU became caste based and were failing to provide space to other sections of SC/ST/OBC/Religious Minorities. In addition to this, BSF also took inspiration from Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and its prime founder leader Kanshiram.[2] Thus, one of the prime targets of BSF is to be successful, politically.

In my view the leaders of the BSF brought new direction to the dalit/dalit-bahujan political discourse with their innovative approach. As a result a few students got attracted towards it. And, such a mode of BSF brought some change in the functioning of ASA too, primarily. But, then, BSF was unsuccessful in fulfilling its vision on a mass scale. Thus, this indicates, that the identity politics are asserting strong in due course of time independently, though they are emerging as a combined body for the ‘SC/ST/OBC/Religious Minorities’. In this sequence, in certain sense, BSF is also a failure. Because, BSF’s vision of providing a platform for all the SC/ST/OBC/Religious Minority’ students on a central University campus is short lived, at-least as of now. In other sense, one can clearly observe that the SC students were predominantly shattered between/among various dalit based organized like ASA, DSU and Tribal students’ too had their own platform/s and they are actively associated with Tribal Students’ Forum (TSF). Tribal students also carry regional identity and based on this identity they started their own platform North East Students’ Forum (NESF).  And, OBC students are highly volatile category politically and they primarily associate with the Akhil Bahartiya Vidarthi Parishad (ABVP), etc. Then, the question automatically comes is: whom exactly BSF is representing and how it was/is able to sustain and capture even the University students’ Union in the elections is an interesting point to know or/and explore.

As per my strong observation BSF attempted to establish itself strongly with the wave of Telangana movement since November, 2009. Primarily, BSF was able to attract a significant proportion of Telangana students under its platform at this particular point. Especially Telangana Madiga students got attracted to this platform for various reasons, like the huge void left out by DSU, etc.[3] And, a few OBC students’ too got attracted towards this platform. Though, for a few years the leadership of BSF remained with dalit students, in due course of time a few OBC students’ (basically two students) were successful in taking over the charge of BSF, with the passage of time – as the founders of BSF left campus for various reasons.

It is observed, in low voice and silently, as an open secret that certain kind of rift took place within BSF since 2011-2012 or so. Though BSF cause was championed by two dalit students, in due course of time another two OBC students wished to take over the charge from founder dalit students and wished to turn it as a platform for OBC’s and dalits as their followers to work under!![4] From this vantage point, the present crisis situation should be understood.    


The founders of BSF (dalits) thought ideology, strategies, techniques, etc to the BC/OBC students. And, OBC students learned such techniques carefully with utmost keen interest. But, in this whole process, dalits students’ who remained with BSF are lacking such leadership caliber. We have to observe, how long this can continue.[5]

Thus, the present crisis, as revealed by this poster seems to be having genesis in this course.

But then, if this is so the situation, it would be interesting to know the response of the founders of BSF, who happens to be dalits (now this allegation is coming from a section of dalit category, i.e. Madiga). Has this incident come to the notice of the founders of BSF? If yes, are they in a position to guide this organization properly, even now? And, what is the response of other dalit students who are still within this BSF against this allegation? Why BSF or Daniel Bandi is not in a position to reply to this open allegation? What made them to be silent? Should we assume their silence as acceptance of this allegation? Beyond all, is BSF able to initiate action against Daniel for this kind of behavior and set right its discourse?

And, at another level, we should also attempt to know: what is the legitimacy of Madiga Students’ Federation (MSF)? Who is behind this Federation? Is there a Committee to this Federation on the University Campus? Is the present poster released by MSF only or any other person/Organization? What is the position of Madigas on the Campus – with which student organizations are they associated with – MSF or DSU, predominantly? Why Madigas are having two organizations? Is DSU taking this situation seriously? Is there any relation between MSF and DSU on the University Campus?


I came to know about the present poster at the University Men’s Hostel – E (NRS) entrance on August 08, 2015, and immediately posted about this on my facebook account, in the following manner:

Just observed a poster by Madiga Students’ Federation (MSF), at University NRS Hostel against the Students’ Union General Secretary Daniel, who is affiliated to the Bahujan Students’ Front (BSF) on the Campus. But, the content of the poster did not surprise me!!

Mr Mari Muttu, who recently submitted his Doctorate to the School of Management Studies, University of Hyderabad and who is awaiting for viva-voce examination responded in the following manner to my above post by sharing it on his facebook wall as a status on August 09, 2015:

MSF posters are more favourable to Dominant dalits (Anti-Ambedkar Students Association-ASA) which is running by dominant dalits-Mala/Parayars/Pulaiya, etc. Who are threatened me at many times in the campus. Who are created lot of atrocities directly and indirectly on me. Where went at that time this MSF? When the discourse happen between Mala favourable mala faculties and me, regarding the categorization and mala/parayar atrocities on oppressed dalits in India, especially in Tamil Nadu, majority of the dominant dalits are targeting on me to kick, where u went MSF candidates? If I die also, main reason would be by dominant dalits and not by any other reason mind it first. Who are the real victim/issues created to my submission of thesis, When I struggled lot by dominant dalits and not by another in the campus. Up-to my death I never forget the dominant dalits mala/parayar atrocities/untouchability activities on me and my people.

In the above paragraph Mr Mari Muttu is expressing his displeasure against MSF, in addition to ASA. Muttu’s open displeasure against ASA is well known. Muttu belongs to Arunthathiyar community within SC category of Tamil Nadu. The predominant sections of Tamil Nadu SC category like Parayar’s are well known in committing atrocities against this Arunthathiyar community, though both belong to SC category. Most importantly, Parayars of Tamil Nadu considers Arunthathiyas as migrants from Telugu region and inferior to them on various grounds. Thus, continues atrocities on various grounds against Arunthathiyars. Muttu is one of the most vocal person is voicing and highlighting such atrocities on various platforms, and became a victim to various persons or/and organisations like the present ASA on the University campus. Moreover, Muttu, considers Arunthathiyars and other marginalized communities like Madiga’s within SC category should come together and face predominant sections within SC category. In this sequence, he is expressing his displeasure over MSF, which did not save / support him at the time of his most crucial encounter with ASA.

If Muttu’s challenging encounter with ASA is considered seriously, then, it indicates that the DSU / MSF which should work for the larger marginalized sections within SC communities are getting failed. Such a failure also entails that the noble ideology of DSU / MSF[6] is not met with. Thus, DSU / MSF cadre is not only getting failed in maintaining their unity under a single platform of their own, but also getting failed to find space in other organisations like BSF!!

End Notes: 

[1] But, interesting both these persons belonged to the Telangana region of erstwhile undivided Andhra Pradesh before 2014.

[2] But then, BSF is not affiliated to BSP in any way. One can observe BSF organizations at various parts of India, without any direct affiliation.

[3] A separate article is required to know about the up’s and down’s in the history of DSU. Thus, presently, it is beyond the scope of this article.

[4] Some others also observe that one of the founders of BSF wished to make it as a prime platform for his own community!! But, he was utterly unsuccessful, though BSF as a student body sustained so far.

[5] OBC’s are religiously (Hindu) more conscious than dalits. So, basically, OBC’s associate with non-dalit organizations. If this dynamism is taken into consideration, it should be observed, how long OBCs of UoH can associate with BSF, whose ideology is framed and attached to dalits historical figures, along a few OBC personalities.  As OBC is a politically volatile category, it basically a challenging task to attract them towards dalit-bahujan ideology.

[6] I assume that the ideology of both DSU / MSF should be standing ‘for Social Justice….’ Within dalits, if the situation so warrants.

Dalit Students’ Union (DSU) Back to Pavilion??

The Dalit Students’ Union (DSU), University of Hyderabad plunged into deep internal crisis during July, 2012, with the resignation of it’s the then President Mr Santhi Swaroop Sirapangi (i.e. myself). Since then it some-how failed to cope-up, due to many factors, like as there was no proper trained cadre and leaders for the past few years, etc. For the past few years prior to the crises of July, 2012 DSU prime cadre which comes from the Madiga community started to look at various other things like towards the Telangana Movement; believing that the Telangana creation can solve their full problems, strong hypothetical belief in Telangana regional identity than caste identity, etc.

In-fact, at some point of time Telangana Madigas believed that they should leave their caste identity and lead the Telangana political scenario on regional identity by mixing with the main stream political stream. In this process Telangana Madigas started to associate with a Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS) sponsored student wing on the campus. And, they went-on to contest the University Students’ Union elections on behalf of this TRS student wing and faced a humiliating defeat during 2014-2015 election on the University Campus!!

As per the critics, this humiliating defeat during the 2014-2015 Students’ Union election made Tealangana Madigas to realize that ‘caste identity should be the sole protective guard than regional identity’. And, they seem to have realized that even their regional identity will not be able to protect them from facing caste discrimination!! Hence, they started to put forward their attempts again to re-energize the Dalit Students’ Union (DSU). But, still concrete attempts are still awaited to be observed in this direction.

As per my recent observation, the Dalit Students’ Union (DSU), University of Hyderabad facebook page is getting activated, which can be observed over  and also a special poster has been released on the occasion of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) founder Kanshi Ram’s birth anniversary during March, 2015 (which I observed on facebook)!! But then, can DSU really re-emerge strongly on the University Students’ political scenario?? We have to observe their play in the pavilion of student politics, if they get energized on full mode in the days to come.

DSU on Kanshi Ram Birth Day during March, 2015
DSU on Kanshi Ram’s Birth Anniversary during March, 2015