Is a Socio-Cultural and Political Movement Required to Protect and Promote a Language?

This post is, in some sense, a continuation to the previous post on ‘Telugu Bhasha Vikaasa Udyamam’ at CUAP. Upon viewing activities and concerns expressed by organizations like YVV and euphoria expressed in such meetings (towards protection and promotion of Telugu language, a primary question strikes: Is a Socio-Cultural and Political Movement Required to Protect and Promote a Language?

In fact, there has been an intellectual churning over this issue at Andhra Pradesh level[i]. There are various dimensions into this discourse. Mostly, all those who are leading movements towards ‘protection of Telugu Language’ happen to hail from an Upper-Caste background. They voice their concerns, fears and apprehensions towards failing standards in Telugu language, like in pronunciation, speaking levels reduction, use of more English vocabulary, etc.

The counter sections to this Upper-Caste (dominant caste) section had equally powerful arguments. The subaltern, Dalit, Bahujan, etc. sections had been having serious objections towards Upper-Castes arguments, movements, expression of apprehensions, etc. over ‘Telugu language decline’. The subaltern, Dalit, Bahujan sections started to question that the Upper-Castes have had well mastered English language and ‘earned all well status’ through English language mastery. And, they (Dalit, subaltern and Bahujan) also went-on to argue that the Upper-Castes generations upon mastering well English language were able to leave India and settled in good level in various English speaking nations of the world like in the USA, UK, Australia, etc. 

Having observed so; the Dalit, subaltern, Bahujan sections started to express their doubts that at present, the Upper-Castes are master-minding a conspiracy against them by ‘romanticizing death of Telugu language’. And, through this romanticization, they allay that attempts are put forwarded to make these sections (students) to study only in ‘Telugu medium’, while Upper-Castes children and grand-children are still continuing their education in ‘English medium’!! To this powerful argument, there is no proper convincing reply from the Upper-Caste sections, which are involved in activism towards ‘protection and promotion of Telugu language and culture’!!  

At some level, the Upper-Castes/those who are inclined towards ‘Telugu Language Protection and Promotion’ also argue that with the introduction of ‘English language medium’ the students were ‘neither able to master Telugu language nor English language’!! But, in reality, as per my personal observation, there has been a potential gulf in people effectively mastering any language in India, in written form. In addition to this problem in mastering any Indian language, there are various other reasons why such a dimension persists.

Even before well spread of English language / English medium education, the masses were not well versed in the Telugu language in written format.[ii] In fact, there exists a lot many dialectics in the Telugu language. According to a few observations, in India, the language dialectics varies at great length for every 60-80 kilometres. At times, the range of reduction in kilometres is much less also. The dialectical variations and people’s encapsulated local (not regional) forms made large chunks of people uncomfortable to master regional predominant standard dialect, by leaving aside their local dialects.  

All this and more proves that there is a potential gulf in scholarly mastered language dialectic and widespread Telugu language vocal forms. The pundits (Brahmins), in the previous days, as per various reveals, used to mock the lay and illiterate people for not able to use and converse in their standard dialect. But, the same upper castes like Brahmins, etc. are now expressing euphoria that the Telugu language is dying due to the spread of English language and promotion of English medium education by the governments is a dangerous trend!! To this, the Dalit, Bahujan and subaltern sections argue that the Telugu language is not dying and in-fact they themselves are the key sections which are making the Telugu language alive by being poor and studying in Telugu medium!!   

In reality, upon a close observation, it is clear that all the sections in India, especially like in Andhra Pradesh (Telugu region) all the castes equally favours mastering the English language for their up-lift and escape from historically and culturally disadvantaged position and wishes to transform globally. Yet, a few sections like the Upper-Castes, now and then romanticizes that ‘Telugu language and Culture should be protected’. These voicing Upper-Caste sections, themselves knew that ‘language and culture cannot be protected’!! 

II

More than a decade ago, I had observed a news item in the Eenadu news daily which carried two prominent persons sharing dais – i.e., former Prime Minister of India P V Narasimha Rao and Veturi Sundarama Murthy. Veturi was a popular lyric composer for Tollywood. As per the Eenadu news report, on the front page, as per my memory; Veturi very emotionally said that he feels like waging a movement for the ‘protection and promotion of Telugu Language’. Then, when P V Narasimha Rao’s turn came; he refuted Veturi’s agony and observed how can a movement be unleashed for the ‘protection and promotion of a language’? As per P V Narasimha Rao’s observation, language is a perennial flow and people will follow language as per their connivance. A language will have life till people find relevance in it. There is no sudden death to any language. Languages die slowly, in due process of time, due to various factors or regain their resurgence due to various other factors.

All those who air their apprehensions over failing use of appropriate Telugu words to English words; fails to recognize and accept that any language can sustain by borrowing and receiving wholeheartedly words from other languages (theoretically also it is justified). In the same trend, even in Telugu, there are innumerable words from other languages like Sanskrit, Tamil, Urdu, Arabic etc. languages.

Always it is not possible and prudent enough to coin and popularize appropriate equivalent Telugu words to other words from other languages like from English. At present, in the world, English is able to achieve a dominant position due to various factors like ‘Common Wealth’ background, its open arms nature in receiving into its ambit various words from across the world from various languages. A preliminary and keen look into a standard English dictionary reveals that the English language is able to enrich itself by being flexible in receiving words from various linguistic backgrounds. But, all those who accuse English words usage by the Telugu people forget that even within Telugu language various words are well received and popularly used by the masses!! 

All this indicates that ‘Socio-Cultural and Political Movements cannot sustain a language and give resurgence to any language’. Languages are dynamic in nature. People are at their own wisdom and convenience in adapting to any language or use of words from any language.

What we are observing in the Telugu region is not a popular movement for the ‘promotion and protection of the Telugu language’. A few sections are just expressing their apprehensions against penetration of English into society. But, modernity or inclination towards cultural aspects is an unending phenomenon and process. The paradox in the Telugu region is that while two sections emerged in the Upper-Castes and Lower Castes/Sections, both in their own way are inclining towards modernity and English education, but accuses and counter accuses each other, on socio-political grounds. 

End Notes:

[i] By Andhra Pradesh, the author means, erstwhile Andhra Pradesh which existed from 1956-2014, i.e., until further bifurcated for the formation of a separate Telangana State.

[ii] For that matter, only a few communities like the Brahmins had a complete hegemonic grip over written form of language. The Brahmanical society denied written literary knowledge to the non-upper caste communities.

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‘Telugu Bhasha Vikaasa Udyamam’ at CUAP

On October 02, 2018 at Central University of Andhra Pradesh (CUAP), Anantapuramu a special talk on ‘Telugu Bhasha Vikaasa Udyamam’, was organized by ‘YUVATHA VIKAASA VEDIKA’ (YVV). YVV usually organizes this kind of events at the College level, with the support of various sources like district administration, etc. But, this time, as per informal source’s information, this event was organized at the University level. At present, CUAP consists mostly of under-graduate students. We can also assume to some extent that this event tried to focus upon the same age group section, which YVV usually targets. At CUAP two Post Graduation courses are also offered in Telugu and English. YVV is able to organize this event at CUAP through a few Telugu faculty member’s cooperation and help.

Though October 02, 2018 is a holiday on account of Gandhi Jayanti, yet this event was organized as an informal event and a few faculty and students too joined at Seminar Hall of CUAP. But, the organizers failed to organize, proceed, and conclude this event by following strict time management. The organizers announced that this event will start at 10:00 am. In reality, the organizers were able to kick-start at around 11:00 am. The session got concluded at around 03:00 pm, without any lunch-break!! Except a few speakers sitting on the dais, etc.; others, especially among the audience felt highly uncomfortable to wait until the final conclusion of the event.

The event started expressing utmost devotion to the Telugu language, by treating it as ‘Telugu Talli’ (Telugu Mother). A song in praise of Telugu language was also sung. The organizers visibly failed to maintain proper time schedule, speakers’ lists, and invitees list. The expected invitees failed to turn-up. Ready-made speakers list was tailored. Yet, the event seemed to have gone well, for some time. In the name of encouraging and providing participation to the students – more students were provided with an opportunity to share their views. Later on, a few faculty members or retired faculty, etc. who spoke also spoke at length, without minding time. All the speakers who exceeded time-limit seemed to have self-justification, as time-management was strictly not required!! After a few hours, a few others did not bother about time sense also.

The organizers at the end provided an opportunity to the Joint Collector (JC) of the district, who arrived very late. It seemed at one level that the event was organized in order to invite a few officials and have good contact with him/her. Upon JC’s arrival, the organizers praised him well too, without minding time-sense.  

Upon observing platforms like YVV and self-declared movements for ‘Protection and Promotion of Telugu Language’ a pertinent question always arises whether a socio-cultural-political movement is necessary to protect and promote any language?? The exact answer to this question is in negative. All those who study language systematically at high level knew the answer to this question – that a socio-cultural and political movement cannot protect any language!! Language, like culture, is a perennial flow. It is dynamic in nature, and cannot be static. Yet a few people and organizations like YVV are inclined towards ‘Telugu Bhasha Vikaasa Udyamam’ (A Movement for the Rebirth of Telugu Language’).

Education System and Social Science Courses in South India: Few Perceptions and Discourses

For close to three decades or so in the South Indian states, like Andhra Pradesh pursuit of Social Science subjects like Political Science, History, etc. is seen with a negative compact. The students who pursue these kinds of subjects are looked down by the society and even by their parents. Parents doesn’t like their children to pursue these courses due to social prestige. As a result, those who pursue these kinds of disciplines are heavily discriminated in the society.

The consequence of this (discriminative) atmosphere led to increasing in Engineering education pursuit. But, in reality, those who are graduating in Engineering education are lacking basic employable skills. This entire atmosphere has led to uneven harmony and imbalance in the society in the creation of potential (required) human resources. Yet, the society is not changing in recognizing how education should be valued and utilized, without having basic discriminative stances based on discipline’s discourse.

Against this backdrop, the teaching profession is also looked-down by the society. Potential candidates are not turning towards this profession. And, the governments also neglected teaching profession’s standards by not recruiting faculty on a permanent basis. Universities and Colleges in states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, etc. are forced to have the only temporary faculty for more than two decades or so. The governments and major political parties have started to forcefully dismantle government education system for the benefit of corporate educational institutions. In turn, corporate educational institutions are promoted and maintained in disguise by those in political parties and government.

As a result of this discriminative atmosphere, only a microscope section in the society started to pursue academic programmes like History, Political Science, etc. The social composition and background of the students who are inclined towards courses related to Social Sciences are, usually from well-marginalized sections of the society, like from lower castes, lower income section students’, etc. A few pursue these courses; due to genuine interest and/or lack of potential background to pursue commercial or science courses, which are expensive in nature. As a result of their social, cultural and economic background these students are not well articulate, assertive in their rights protection and moreover well depressed with an inferiority complex due to society’s negative projection towards them for pursuing these kinds of courses.

Of-late a few microscopic corporate educational institutions have started the trend in potentially exploiting useful market in favour of social science courses like Political Science, History, etc. courses by highlighting their usefulness in Competitive Examinations. Thus, this indicates, a kind of (hegemonic) standards is set by corporate educational institutions and their promoters, who usually hail from upper class/caste/echelons of the society. First, they themselves started to look down and degrade social science and in the next level, they themselves again started to highlight the relevance of these courses, for their own commercial benefits.  

Even though corporate educational institutions have started different (hegemonic) tendencies in degrading (first) and highlighting social sciences (next) for their commercial exploitations, for the past few decades; yet the governments and political parties have not started their reform measures for the enhancement of standards in educational institutions. And, the societal mindset is also failing to recognize the wrong perception of social science courses.

Dimensional View of Nara Lokesh Leadership

Nara Lokesh happens to be at present one of the leading political leaders of the South Indian Telugu States – ‘Andhra Pradesh and Telangana’ on behalf of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP). Between the two Telugu States – only within Andhra Pradesh, Nara Lokesh is popular at present due to various factors, like; TDP being in government power, TDP’s leading caste base emanating from this region (Kamma caste), etc. While describing Nara Lokesh, a superlative in the form of ‘popular leader’ is used. This superlative phrase should be understood in a careful manner.

The superlative phrase ‘popular leader’ usually denotes having a mass base and ‘presence of popularity’ of a political leader among the people. But, while understanding Nara Lokesh at present, he should not be (mis)understood in such a manner. The superlative phrase ‘popular leader’ should be understood in relation to Nara Lokesh as having popularity only within his own political party, i.e., TDP.

In Indian politics, a few are recognised as ‘popular’ based on certain qualities, like; from family lineage background, a prominent position held by a particular person/family, close proximity to the political power corridor, etc. From this perspective Nara Lokesh popularity should be understood; but not from ‘mass political popularity’ perspective!

I

Nara Lokesh’s grand-father Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao (NTR) was a famous Tollywood film star and later during second innings of his life, NTR entered into politics by establishing the TDP in the first half duration of the 1980’s. Surprisingly, within a few months after the establishment of the TDP; NTR became Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh on behalf of the TDP, by ousting the then ‘single dominant political player – Indian National Congress’ (INC). Since then, TDP is recognised as a political party having leadership leaning towards the Kamma caste! And, Backward Classes (BC’s) are considered to be another major chunk of vote bank to this party.

In August 1995 NTR’s youngest son-in-law Nara Chandrababu Naidu captured the leadership position of TDP and Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh position, successfully by ousting NTR through a political coup. Till then NTR was continuing in those two positions. Since then, Nara Chandrababu Naidu has been continuing as the President of the TDP, unabatedly. And Naidu also able to become the Chief Minister on behalf of TDP, as and when a chance emerges through a democratic electoral process.

Unable to bear this bitter humiliation from his son-in-law Nara Chandrababu Naidu, his family members and his party-men; NTR finally passed away in January 1996. All this at another level indicates that for more than three decades, for now, the leadership of the TDP rested only with a single community, i.e., Kamma, and that too in particular with two individuals, i.e., NTR and Nara Chandrababu Naidu. 

Nara Lokesh happens to be the only biological son of Nara Chandrababu Naidu. Nara Chandrababu Naidu had his life beginning from a middle-class Rayalaseema region (Chittoor District) Kamma family background. His political leanings were observed primarily from his student politics onwards, at University range. It was widely reported across the Telugu region that he inherited only two acres of agricultural land from his father. Though he had such a middle-class family background, surprisingly, he was successful enough to marry a rich and popular NTR’s daughter.

As per various informal sources, it was reported that though Nara Chandrababu Naidu had his humble beginnings from a middle-class family background, by the time he married NTR’s daughter he was rich enough!! But, it was not clear to the public how he became a rich person by that time!!?? 

II

All this indicates that Nara Lokesh inherited a ‘popular film and political family background’. As a continuing measure to keep such a close family tie-up and knit, Nara Lokesh was also married to his own uncle Nandamuri Balakrishna’s daughter. Professionally Nara Lokesh can be observed as a management professional due to his educational background. After completion of his studies, he also looked after his father’s established dairy farm ‘Heritage Foods’. Unlike his father Nara Chandrababu Naidu, Nara Lokesh is not observed as passionate enough having political ambitious goals and targets, by critics. 

After having a brief stint in family business activities, Nara Lokesh was slowly inducted into TDP politics since 2009 election time onwards, by his father Naidu. This indicates that Lokesh is closely following the (suggested, laid and/or showed) footsteps of his father without revealing and establishing his own mark in any domain, so far; first by looking after family business and second by entering into politics through (family) TDP.

During 2009 election time TDP faced immense difficulty in three forms. They are in the following manner:[i] 

  1. TDP was seen and regarded as a pro-market liberalisation (neo-liberal economic policies inclined) party, without looking after the welfare of the people. Nara Chandrababu Naidu’s Chief Ministerial tenure during 1995-2004 was the prime reason for the development of such a view.[ii]
  2. TDP started to face an immense sub-regional challenge since 2001 onwards from a newly established party – Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS), in the Telangana region.
  3. In August 2008, keeping in view the scheduled 2009 elections, Tollywood famous star and Kapu caste’s well admirer Chiranjeevi launched his own political party and named it as Praja Rajyam Party (TDP). This step also started to have a political blow in a few regions of the Coastal Andhra Pradesh districts, primarily!! 

These factors made TDP Chief Nara Chandrababu Naidu be cautious during this 2009 election time and accordingly, he took a few corrective steps in various modes, like; 

  1. By forming a grand political alliance consisting of TDP – Communist Parties & TRS (pre-poll alliance). 
  2. In order to counter film glamour of the PRP and Chiranjeevi, he even made his Kamma family film heroes venture into politics. As a result, his brother-in-law Nandamuri Balakrishna and his nephew Junior Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao (Jr NTR) campaigned for the TDP during this election.[iii]

During this 2009 election time, as per various reports, the political leanings of Nara Lokesh started. This indicates, at some level that in addition to his regular Heritage business tasks Lokesh also started to look after the activities of the TDP on a slow mode. Though Chandrababu Naidu, Nandamuri Balakrishna and Jr NTR participated vigorously in the electoral campaign of TDP during this election season, Nara Lokesh was not seen prominently in the electoral campaign process and even in the prominent political activities.

But, during this election time, in order to erase the pro-neo-liberal economic policies brand to his leadership and his party, Nara Chandrababu Naidu started to show that his party under his leadership was inclining towards ‘welfare measures for the betterment of the people’.

As a sequential measure towards a process of brand image build-up (trustworthy leadership promise), Chandrababu Naidu announced an innovative programme as part of the electoral manifesto. This electoral promise was related to ‘Direct-Cash-Transfer’ scheme to the unemployed youth. As per this promise, a certain amount of monthly income would be directly deposited into unemployed youth’s account every month by the Government of Andhra Pradesh, if the TDP or its pre-poll alliance was voted to power, primarily the former.

Interestingly, Nara Chandrababu Naidu gave this scheme’s credit to this son Nara Lokesh. By crediting so, Nara Chandrababu Naidu started to project his son Lokesh as an intellectual, who is well educated from a foreign university. But, the political critics observed that Nara Chandrababu Naidu was giving such a credit to his son Lokesh, in order to keep in low/balance/undermine the rising popularity of his nephew Jr NTR in the electoral campaign battle!! Both Jr NTR and Nara Lokesh belong to near age group.

The proved oratory skills of Jr NTR during election campaign made a few to recognise and comment that the TDP may go under the leadership of Jr NTR in near future. Around such a time, Nara Chandrababu Naidu started to project his son Nara Lokesh as an intellectual doing ground-work for TDP, though not in the forefront of the political campaign!! 

In addition to this, at various other points of time, Nara Chandrababu Naidu also said that his son Nara Lokesh had good intellect since his childhood. In order to prove and establish such a view, later-on Naidu used to say now and then; that during 1990’s when he got chance to become the Prime Minister of India, on behalf of the National Front, his son Lokesh advised him not to take up that position!! 

The ultimate result of the 2009 election was bitter to almost all the political parties contested, the ‘Mahakutami – TDP-CPI-CPIM-TRS’ (TDP forged) ‘Grand alliance’ failed to captured political power. The INC under the leadership of YSR won the election with a near margin and formed the government in Andhra Pradesh for a second consecutive term. The PRP and TRS were also not satisfied with their final electoral performance. 

III

After 2009 election, in the due process of time, Nara Lokesh’s wife – Nara Brahmani started to look after the affairs of the Heritage Group. It should be understood, that in addition to other family members, like; Lokesh and Lokesh Mother, Brahmani also started looking after the affairs of the Heritage Group. And, Nara Chandrababu Naidu too coordinates the activities of the Heritage Group as Chief promoter, though not revealed and acknowledged publicly at any point in time. Lokesh’s wife Brahmani is also professionally inclined towards Management dimension, by virtue of her higher educational background. 

Slowly, Nara Lokesh started to get promoted in TDP internal events like during annual ‘Mahanadu’, etc. Same-time, it was also ‘prominently proved and reported publicly’ that Jr NTR was aspiring too much in TDP’s leadership category. As a result of such media publicity and more or due to other undisclosed reasons Jr NTR started to distance himself from TDP, without openly addressing the levelled allegations against him. 

Nara Lokesh started to gain information and control over the party in a slow mode by working under the guidance, advice and leadership of his father. Lokesh so far failed to prove his prime political leadership qualities. But, either Lokesh or/and his father may not accept such a comment, observation and view. 

IV

After 2014 elections Lokesh started to occupy centre stage in Andhra Pradesh politics; because TDP was able to capture political power after 2014 election results declaration. This electoral result also coincided with the bifurcation of existing Andhra Pradesh, which existed since 1956 into ‘(residual) Andhra Pradesh and the Telangana States’. In the Telangana region, TDP’s political prospectus blinked considerably, due to an intensified challenge from the TRS since November 2009 onwards.

Due to Nara Chandrababu’s age factor, TDP’s next leadership was projected as inclining towards Nara Lokesh direction. Nara Lokesh was also slowly promoted and elevated in various levels within the party and government since then. Lokesh was also made as the General Secretary of TDP. He was also praised and elevated much in annual TDP’s ‘Mahanadu’ event, by other leaders, under the prominent view and guidance of Nara Chandrababu Naidu.

Most importantly, after 2014 elections, Nara Lokesh became a ‘noted popular person’ among the TDP ranks and files, due to the position he held, primarily. Since TDP was in political power holding Government of Andhra Pradesh charge, the significance of Lokesh is realised much by various quarters mostly within the TDP, to gain proximity to the power and to gain required ‘sanctions’ in various modes. In the second part after 2014 elections, in 2017 Lokesh was also inducted into the Council of Minister’s category headed by his father Nara Chandrababu Naidu as Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister. For this purpose, he was made as a Member of Legislative Council (MLC), in order to continue in the Ministerial position, unabatedly for required tenure. 

Since 2014 onwards the opposition party in Andhra Pradesh politics ‘Yuvajana Shramika Rythu Congress Party’ (YSRCP) highlighted much Nara Lokesh in various modes, as head of corruption channel to the TDP headed Government of Andhra Pradesh, unsuitable to politics, as a political comedy piece, etc. Towards this end, the YSRCP and its associated formal and informal channels and wings started to promote Nara Lokesh in ill-light as a damaging and dangerous person to the prospects of Andhra Pradesh politics and development.

In this process, Lokesh was much highlighted in social media in negative modes, especially in serious political comedy style. At times, the projections of the opposition YSRCP and other views against Lokesh also resembles to be genuine – and gave strong projection that Lokesh doesn’t deserve to be a ‘politician’ or Minister in the Andhra Pradesh Government!! Now and then, TDP leadership and cadre is also having a difficult time to negate the ill-motivated campaign against their leader – Lokesh, due to genuinely involved criticism, which is presented and promoted in different digital formats, primarily!!

Sadly, previously, the TDP under Nara Chandrababu Naidu leadership upto 2014 used to project a few persons either directly or indirectly under ill mode, like; YSR, Rahul Gandhi, Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy, etc. At present, Nara Chandrababu Naidu is facing the same critique style against his son Lokesh, in a more intensified manner. But, both Lokesh and Nara Chandrababu Naidu are unable to escape such critical damaging campaign, mainly Lokesh!! 

V

Concluding Remarks                                

All this indicates that so far Nara Lokesh failed to emerge as a strong individual leader on the political scene of Telugu States, particularly in the Andhra Pradesh domain. He is able to continue, so far, as a leader of the TDP based on his family political lineage! A leader should be able to grab potential (political) opportunity or have the ability to create potential (political) leadership necessity, particular to his/her projected vision.

When seen from this perspective, Nara Chandrababu Naidu was successful enough in both ways; first he was able to grab opportunity of TDP leadership and Andhra Pradesh Chief Ministerial position from his father-in-law NTR (though in a cunning manner) and later he was able to project himself as a better visionary leader in various modes by highlighting his vision inclined towards creation of ‘Swarna Andhra Pradesh’, etc., especially during 1995-2004. But, Naidu’s political leanings started since 1970’s as a student leader. Since then, he had been involved in Andhra Pradesh political process in various modes, ultimately came to prime lime-light by ousting NTR in 1995.

As of now, it appears that Lokesh is following the footsteps of his father. But, in politics, a leader can follow in the footsteps of a leader only for a certain duration. Ultimately, he/she has to emerge successfully on the political scene. As of now, it appears that Lokesh is yet to develop a lot of political knowledge, information and requires guidance too. Some qualities come with genuine interest. But, Lokesh is unable to project even a few basic leadership qualities and got exposed publicly, on many occasions. Though TDP ranks and files are at present rallying behind Nara Lokesh and projecting him as their popular leader; it would be suspicious and dangerous to believe such a projection. At present, such a popular projection is projected due to Lokesh’s proximity to the political corridor.

Even Lokesh and his family members’ wishes to carry forward popular projected projection because of their advantaged position in TDP and Government! And, they too knew well that the present popular projection is not genuine in nature and may lose boost, particularly if political prospects turn the other side, in disadvantageous to them! Yet, they want to continue and enjoy this political game. While continuing the present political game, they wish to be successful in future too, based on ‘acquired resources’. But, politics is a dynamic discourse. It creates its own leaders!! All aspirants may not continue in the political leadership discourse. Political history, even democratic history is a clear testimony to such a view.  Anyhow, we have to wait and see how Nara Lokesh’s political prospectus turns in due course of time. How can he steam in political current is yet to be seen; in future, especially on his own as a leading leader of TDP. Or will he remain as a subordinated leader within TDP or how other dimensions may unfold!!??

End Notes

[i] Some of the above factors were even common to other political players too. But, I am dealing specifically in relation to TDP only, at present!

[ii] As a counter to such a position, the INC under the leadership of Y S Rajashekara Reddy (YSR) at Andhra Pradesh level showed a welfare-oriented path during 2004-2009. YSR was the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh during 2004-2009. Even as an opposition party against the TDP, during 1995-2004 the INC also critiqued bitterly TDP in relation to neo-liberal economic policies inclination and more. But, in India, the neo-liberal economic direction started only with the INC since 1990’s under P V Narasimha Rao’s Prime Ministerial tenure!!) [Discussing political parties’ double standards and more on neo-liberal economic policies inclination is beyond the scope of this article]. 

[iii] On the other side a host of film personalities from Chiranjeevi’s family background like his brother, son, nephew, etc., in addition to Chiranjeevi participated seriously in the electoral campaign.

 

Book Review ‘Telangana Prajatirpu’

Kommineni Srinivasa Rao is one of the eminent journalists in the Telugu media. He composed this volume in April 2015.  And this volume was published by one of the leading publishing houses in Telugu, i.e. Prajashakti Book House (PBH). Kommineni is primarily a well known political journalist and he had a long-serving track record in various media houses, including print and electronic. In addition to regular media exposure, he is also inclined towards the production of political literature in print form, now and then. The present volume is one such venture.

The present volume attempts to showcase electoral lineage and trajectory of Assembly and Lok Sabha Constituencies in the State of Telangana. In this sequence, all the Legislative and Lok Sabha Constituencies details since the first election in democratic India, i.e. 1952 onwards are presented in a tabular form. The details in the tabular form include; year of the election held, total votes polled, valid votes, the name of the candidate winning in the election, winning candidates political party affiliation and total votes secured,  nearest defeated candidate and his/her political party affiliation along with details of votes polled. In addition to these particulars, the tabular forms also indicated details about any by-election, etc.

Telangana Prajatirpu 001

At present, there are a total of 119 Assembly and 17 Lok Sabha Constituencies in Telangana. Details about all these Constituencies since the first election held in 1952 or since the formation of constituencies due to re-drawing of electoral constituencies are mentioned in a tabular format.

Before presentation of tabular details about each constituency, the author presented a ‘brief introduction’ about various politicians who have won or have been winning, their political affiliations, family affiliations (if required), caste background, any other significance like serving in the cabinet, or holding the position of Chief Minister, etc.

This volume would be a useful ‘reference’ to researchers, political journalists, political parties, politicians, etc. who are interested in electoral politics of this political geographical location, i.e. Telangana.

Since this volume can be used only as a ‘reference work; for the sake of this review, I read a few pages only, i.e. in particular about the electoral constituencies of the Adilabad district. Based on this reading, I composed this review.

Telangana Prajatirpu +1 001

I feel the introduction to this work should have been little strengthened with ‘standardization’. The present introduction to the work, in my view, would be useful and/or understandable only to the present generation. Had this introduction been strengthened little further, next generation people also would have felt comfort in knowing ‘certain facts’ in a sequential detailed manner. The author should have inserted a section like ‘preface’ and attempted to share a few details like methodology, limitations to this work, difficulties faced to compose this work, etc.

 

Unveil of Dr B R Ambedkar Statue at Ghattuppal Village

I was invited to unveil Dr B R Ambedkar’s statue at Ghattuppal village, Nalgonda District, Telangana State on the occasion of Ambedkar’s 127th birth anniversary i.e., April 14, 2018. On this occasion, I spoke on the ‘Relevance of Understanding Ambedkar’s Perspective’. Two of Dalit Students’ Union (DSU), University of Hyderabad’s alumni were part and parcel of this event, i.e., Jangaiah Boya and myself (S Swaroop Sirapangi). These two people’s names can be observed in this event’s schedule script. This event was well organised by the Scheduled Caste – Madiga locality of Ghattuppal village, who came under a platform named as ‘Ambedkar Youth Association of Ghattuppal village’. 

Full View of StatueInauguration Template

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Event Programme or Template Design

Praja Rajaym Party (PRP) Election Manifesto For 2009 Elections

Chiranjeevi, one of the popular Tollywood lead actors launched a political party in the year 2008, keeping in view scheduled elections to the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly and to the Lok Sabha in the year 2009. He named his political outfit as ‘Praja Rajyam’ (PR). This PR came to be popularly referred in due course of time as PRP – Praja Rajyam Party.

PRP successfully contested the 2009 elections but failed to capture political power by forming Government. By the year 2011 PRP got formally merged with the Indian National Congress (INC). While merging PRP with the INC, Chiranjeevi expressed hope and commitment that the INC will deliver PRP’s expected and cherished noble goals. In this entire sequence, though the PRP was short-lived, its well promoted and released manifesto has its own significance. Please see the below link for a .pdf version of the PRP’s 2009 election manifesto. 

PRP Manifesto, 2009